Review Article
Neurocognitive predictors
of confabulation in Schizophrenia: a systematic and quantitative review
Kyrsten M. Grimes1, Konstantine K. Zakzanis1
1 University of Toronto Scarborough, Department of
Psychology, Toronto, Canada
Confabulations, or false memories, are observed in various disorders,
including schizophrenia. In forensic psychiatric assessment, this is
problematic, particularly when garnering a clinical history and detailed
account of the index offense(s) from the individual being charged. This study
sought to quantitatively synthesize the existing literature regarding the
frequency of confabulations in schizophrenia and its neurocognitive correlates.
The findings suggest that patients with schizophrenia confabulated more than
healthy controls for new information if it was related to old information. The
relationship between confabulations and neurocognitive variables was
inconsistent. Together, the results from this quantitative review has important
implications for interviewing techniques in forensic psychiatric assessment.
Specifically, the assessor should take great care not to ask leading questions
or introduce unverified, contextual information into the interview, as it may
result in a confabulation, rather than a more accurate account of the event.
Key words
Schizophrenia, confabulation, false memories, intrusions,
neurocognition, source monitoring
Introduction
Confabulations, or false
memories, are observed in various disorders, including schizophrenia. In
forensic psychiatric assessment, this is problematic, particularly when garnering
a clinical history and detailed account of the index offense(s) from the
individual being charged. Numerous studies have identified that patients with
schizophrenia confabulate more frequently than do healthy controls [1-4], though
other studies have found no differences between these groups [5-7].
Confabulations in schizophrenia have important implications in forensic
assessments with respect to the use of interviewing techniques. Additionally,
identifying predictors of confabulations in schizophrenia may allow for a
greater understanding of what subgroup of patients is more likely to
confabulate. This quantitative review will aim to synthesize the findings on
the frequency of confabulations in these studies, as well as the neurocognitive
predictors of confabulation. To the best of our knowledge, no quantitative
review employing meta-analytic methods has been undertaken on the
neurocognitive predictors of confabulations in this patient population to date.
Confabulations
Variations of the Deese–Roediger–McDermott paradigm [8,9]
tend to be used most frequently to measure confabulations. Participants are
shown a list of words. They are then shown these words again, along with new
words that either are or are not semantically related to the first set of
words. Patients are asked to identify whether they have seen the word before,
as well as how confident they are in their answers. An intrusion, whereby participants state a new word was previously presented, is considered to be evidence of
confabulation. Research suggests that patients tend to confabulate for new,
semantically related words more than do controls [10]. In contrast, several studies have found that
both healthy controls and patients made comparable levels of intrusions when
the new words were semantically related to the old words. Further, as the
semantic relationship decreased, the number of intrusions deceased across both
groups [5,11-13]. This suggests that anyone is susceptible to making
confabulations when the new and old words are related semantically.
A common variation to this paradigm involves both the
participant and experimenter generating words. Participants are later presented
with the generated words and new words and are asked to identify whether the word
is old or new. If they identify it as old, they are asked whether it was said
by the experimenter or themselves. Patients were more likely than were controls
to attribute new words to both the experimenter and the self [10,14] but tended
to display a bias in labelling words as being said by the experimenter [14].
Thus, this may simply be a source monitoring deficit, rather than evidence of
confabulations. Indeed, other research suggests that patients were more likely
to misattribute self-presented words as being said by the experimenter and vice
versa [13].
If patients with schizophrenia confabulate more than
healthy individuals, this effect should be observed using other stimuli as
well. Mammarella et al. [15] asked participants to either
imagine an action or perform an action. Twenty-four
hours later, they were presented with several actions and asked if they
imagined it, performed it, or neither (i.e. a new action). Patients incorrectly
attributed new actions as previously performed actions more than did controls, suggesting that patients did in fact
confabulate that they had previously performed an action.
Other studies have used pictures and videos, which may
tap into the visual aspect of confabulations (i.e. being able to visually
represent a memory in one’s mind). Several studies employing the DRM paradigm
using pictures found that like when using words, both patients and controls
confabulated at a similar frequency when new images were highly related to
previously presented images. In contrast, however, patients confabulated more
frequently than did controls on new images that were moderately related to
previously presented images [16,17]. This suggests that while both patients and
controls have a tendency to misattribute new stimuli as previously presented
when they are related, patients with the illness have a greater tendency than
do healthy controls to do this when the stimuli are not related.
Peters, Hauschildt, Moritz, and Jelinek [18] employed a
similar methodology using videos but varied their valence: positive, negative,
neutral, and delusional. Patients with schizophrenia confabulated more
frequently than healthy controls for positive videos only. That is, for
negative, neutral, and delusional videos, no differences in confabulation were
found between patients with schizophrenia and healthy controls. This suggests
that emotionality may play a role in confabulation, which makes sense, given
that patients’ real-world confabulations tend to have an emotional valence.
This further speaks to the multitude of factors that likely play a role in
predicting the likelihood of confabulations.
Neurocognition
Given that confabulations are related to one’s ability to
form memories, it is necessary to examine the neurocognitive predictors
associated with this phenomenon. For instance, Nienow and Docherty [20] found
that patients with schizophrenia were more likely than controls to confabulate,
but this effect disappeared when intellectual ability and verbal working memory
was taken into account. Because confabulations are associated with other
disorders as well, it is possible that it is linked to specific neurocognitive
deficits, rather than being associated with schizophrenia more broadly.
Various studies have identified that both semantic and working
memory differentiated confabulators from non-confabulators but not episodic
memory [5,6,21,22]. While Nienow & Docherty [20] found that verbal working
memory was associated with confabulations, thought disorder accounted for
variance above and beyond verbal working memory. Indeed, several studies have
found that thought disorder is uniquely associated with the tendency to confabulate
[12-14,23,24]. Thus, it appears that thought disorder plays a specific role in
confabulations but that semantic and working memory may be uniquely associated
with this phenomenon above and beyond symptomatology.
In general, previous findings suggest a relationship
between deficits in executive functioning and confabulations. These findings
have been consistent for both source monitoring paradigms [5,10,24] and
story-recall [22]. On the other hand, other studies have yielded contradictory
findings [14,21]. Thus, these differences need to be further understood.
Other neurocognitive domains have received less attention
to date than have memory and executive functioning. Attentional abilities do
not appear to play a role in confabulations [25], but this has only been
examined in a limited number of studies. Moreover, Brebion et al. [25] examined
processing speed and found this to be unrelated to intrusions. It is possible
that while processing speed did not play a role in the source discrimination
task overall, it may still have played a role in the production of
confabulations as suggested by the finding that patients were slower to reject
new words than were controls [26]. Further, even though verbal fluency is suggested to be a
possible neurocognitive endophenotype in schizophrenia [27,28], it was examined
in only one study in its relation to confabulation. Deficits in category
fluency were related to a tendency to confabulate new, semantically unrelated
words [6].
Purpose
The purpose of this study was to undertake a quantitative review of the
research literature accumulated to date on the neurocognitive predictors of confabulations
in schizophrenia. It was hypothesized that (1) patients would confabulate more
than would healthy controls and (2) semantic memory, working memory, and
executive functioning would be associated with confabulations.
Methods
Literature Search
A computerized search was performed on Pubmed, PsycInfo, and Scopus to
locate potential primary studies to include our quantitative review. The search
terms “schizophrenia” or “psychosis” in combination with “false memory,” “false
memories,” and “confabulation” were used. Of the identified primary studies
that met inclusion criteria, references were examined for additional studies to
include in the quantitative review. No remote date limit in searching the
literature was set. Hence, the research literature was canvased up to 2016.
Studies included ranged in publication date from 1995 to 2007.
Inclusion Criteria
The search yielded 250 candidate research papers. After duplicates were
removed, five primary studies met inclusion criteria. The following inclusion
criteria was utilized: (1) Participant samples that included patients with
schizophrenia and healthy controls; (2) commercially available
neuropsychological test measures were employed (i.e., no experimental paradigms
were considered); (3) quantitative data (i.e., means and standard deviations)
were available so that an effect size could be computed; (4) published findings
in peer-reviewed academic journals and written in English. Hence, no
dissertations were included, nor studies published in non-English, academic
journals.
Exclusion Criteria
Primary studies that combined healthy and psychiatric controls were
excluded. Studies examining patients at clinically high risk or those with
first-episode psychosis were excluded from our quantitative synthesis because
previous work has demonstrated that the neurocognitive profile of these
populations is different from that of patients with a diagnosis of
schizophrenia [29,30]. Studies that looked at only the moderating effect of IQ
on confabulation were not included. Due to the problematic nature of IQ being a
composite score of multiple neurocognitive domains, it provides little
information as to the cognitive processes responsible [31]. Studies using a
source monitoring paradigm that did not include data for intrusions (that is,
attributing a new word as a previously stated word) were not included, as this
was the variable of interest. The derived effect size from anything but raw
data is never exact, but rather an estimate of effect size. Hence, to be precise
in our overall estimate of effects, studies that only provided test statistics
(e.g., F, t, p-values) but not
means and standard deviations were not included. The primary reasons for
exclusion was that the study did not examine confabulations, neuropsychological
test measures were not employed, or means and standard deviations were not
available to compute an effect size.
Moderating
Variables
Recorded demographic variables included age, gender, education, and IQ.
Clinical variables examined included duration of illness and symptomatology
(i.e., positive symptoms, negative symptoms, and thought disorder). The
demographic and study characteristics for the studies that met inclusion
criteria are outlined in Table 1. Due to the various measures of symptomatology
used across studies, this data was not recorded in the tables.
Results
Of the 250 results, five primary studies met inclusion
criteria, resulting in a total sample size of 292 (144 healthy controls, 148
patients with schizophrenia).
Due to the limited number
of studies and the wide range of methodology and neuropsychological test
measures employed, an effect size analysis, rather than a meta-analysis, was
deemed most appropriate and hence undertaken.
Statistical Analyses
For each of the studies, the mean and standard deviation
(SD) for both patients and controls were extracted for the assessment of
confabulations. In addition, the sample size for both groups were extracted.
This information was used to calculate Cohen’s d [32] for confabulations for
each study. Cohen’s d was chosen because it accounts for the differing variance
in control and patient samples [33]. When effect sizes were reported for the
correlation between neurocognitive functioning and confabulation, this data was
extracted as well. All effect sizes were converted to Cohen’s d. This was done
because Pearson’s r is influenced by sample size and the purpose of using
effect sizes is to provide meaningful information about an effect, above and
beyond what can be provided by significance testing, which, incidentally, is
also influenced by sample size [33]. Lastly, the magnitude of effect was not
interpreted in keeping with Cohen’s [32] heuristic framework but rather that of
its clinical meaningfulness in the context of forensic psychiatric assessment
[33].
Confabulations
The effect sizes for confabulations for each study can be
found in Table 2. Overall, the first hypothesis appears to be supported: in six
of the eleven computations, patients had a greater tendency to confabulate than
did controls. Here, patients were more likely to confabulate for new words that
were semantically related to previously stated words. It appears that patients
were more likely than controls to attribute new, related words to both the
experimenter and themselves. That being said, one study [13] used an index of
bias, rather than the number of confabulations, and found that controls
actually demonstrated a greater bias toward attributing new words as old words.
This was found for both related and unrelated words. It should be noted that
there was significant heterogeneity amongst studies, as demonstrated by the
wide confidence intervals for each effect (Figure 1).
Neurocognitive Variables
Correlations between
confabulation scores and neurocognitive scores can be found in Table 3.
Overall, the findings were mixed for both executive functioning and working
memory. No other neurocognitive variables were examined in the included
studies. Further, very few studies reported usable quantitative data on these
variables. Three studies demonstrated that executive functioning had a large
association with participants’ abilities to discriminate between old and new
words, but three studies reported no association.
Table
1. Summary of Demographic and Clinical Variables
Note. All values rounded to one decimal place;
Duration of illness = average number of years; data not available (-); a =
assessed by WAIS-R; b = assessed by Shipley Institute of Living Scale; c =
assessed by NART-R
|
|
Controls |
|
Cases |
|||||||||||
Study |
Year |
n |
Age M(SD) |
% male |
Years of
Education M(SD) |
IQ M(SD) |
|
n |
Age M(SD) |
%
male |
Years
of Education M(SD) |
Duration
of Illness M(SD) |
IQ
M(SD) |
||
Huron et al. [34] |
1995 |
30 |
29.3(6.7) |
66.6 |
11.5(3.5) |
102.2(13.7)a |
|
30 |
29.0(6.9) |
66.6 |
10.7(2.6) |
7.8(5.3) |
85.1(13.9)
a |
||
Moritz et al. [14] |
2003 |
21 |
27.0(10.7) |
52.4 |
11.5(1.7) |
- |
|
30 |
31.1(8.3) |
70.0 |
12.0(1.8) |
4.5(6) |
- |
||
Neinow & Docherty [19] |
2004 |
52 |
37.5(7.2) |
48.1 |
14.6(1.7) |
105.6(8.4)b |
|
39 |
35.9(8.9) |
53.8 |
12.4(1.6) |
- |
88.3(12.6)b |
||
Peters et al. [13] |
2007 |
20 |
35.2(9.7) |
90.0 |
- |
110.8(10.3)c |
|
23 |
36.3(13.1) |
78.3 |
- |
7.0(7.4) |
104.5(13.8)c |
||
Vinogradov et al. [10] |
1997 |
21 |
38.5(7.6) |
42.8 |
14.9(1.4) |
111.1(5.9)b |
|
26 |
40.2(9.6) |
53.8 |
13.9(1.7) |
- |
98.9(12.8)b |
||
Table
2. Means, Standard Deviations, and Effect Sizes for Frequency of Confabulations
Note. All means are the mean number of intrusions made
for that outcome variable unless otherwise noted; a = attribution bias index; d = Cohen’s d
|
|
|
Controls |
|
|
Cases |
|
|
Study |
Outcome
Variable |
n |
M(SD) |
|
n |
M(SD) |
d |
|
Huron et al. [34] |
Intrusions |
30 |
1.90(1.90) |
|
30 |
2.00(2.70) |
0.04 |
|
Moritz et al. [14] |
Unrelated word, attributed to
experimenter |
21 |
0.05(0.20) |
|
30 |
0.03(0.20) |
0.03 |
|
Unrelated word,
attributed to self |
21 |
0.10(0.30) |
|
30 |
0.03(0.20) |
-0.28 |
||
Related word, attributed to
experimenter |
21 |
0.24(0.40) |
|
30 |
0.97(1.10) |
0.83 |
||
Related word,
attributed to self |
21 |
0.14(0.40) |
|
30 |
0.13(0.40) |
-0.03 |
||
Nienow & Docherty [19] |
New word reported as
thoughta |
52 |
0.31(0.19) |
|
39 |
0.38(0.24) |
0.33 |
|
New word reported as
saida |
52 |
0.19(0.13) |
|
39 |
0.17(0.13) |
-0.15 |
||
Peters et al. [13] |
hits vs false alarm
critical luresa |
20 |
0.86(0.12) |
|
23 |
0.72(0.12) |
-1.17 |
|
hits vs false alarm
newa |
20 |
0.35(0.20) |
|
23 |
0.27(0.20) |
-0.4 |
||
Vinogradov et al. [10] |
Related word,
attributed to experimenter |
21 |
2.10(1.70) |
|
26 |
3.30(4.00) |
0.38 |
|
Related word,
attributed to self |
21 |
0.9(1.1) |
|
26 |
2.6(4.1) |
0.54 |
Table
3. Correlations between Confabulations and Neurocognitive Variables Reported in
Studies
Study |
Outcome Variable |
Neurocognitive Variable |
Cognitive Domain |
d |
Huron et al. [34] |
Intrusions |
Wechsler Memory Testa |
Memory |
- |
Moritz et al. [14] |
Recognition deficits |
RAVLT long-term recall |
Memory |
1.07 |
Source monitoring |
WCSTa |
Executive functions |
- |
|
Nienow & Docherty
[19] |
- |
Digit Span Backwardsb |
Working Memory |
- |
Peters et al. [19] |
Attribution bias |
WCSTa |
Executive functions |
- |
Attribution bias |
BADSa |
Executive functions |
- |
|
Discrimination index |
BADS |
Executive functions |
1.81 |
|
Vinogradov et al. [10] |
Source discrimination |
WCST and NSIc |
Response
disinhibition |
0.98 |
Source discrimination |
WCST and NSIc |
Executive dysfunction |
0.90 |
Note. d =
Cohen’s d; RAVLT = Rey Auditory
Verbal Learning Test; WCST = Wisconsin Card Sorting Test; BADS = Behavioural
Assessment of Dysexecutive Syndrome; NSI = Neurological Signs Inventory; a = no
relationship was found but statistic not reported; b = statistic not reported
or commented on in the results; c = factor score
Figure 1. Forest plot demonstrating effect size
(Cohen’s d) and 95% confidence
interval
With respect to memory, long-term memory demonstrated a large
association with confabulation, while a composite measure of memory did not.
This is not surprising given that a composite score provides little information
as to the specific aspects of memory involved. Given the conflicting findings
and relatively few reported statistics, the second hypothesis could not be
answered.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to systematically and quantitatively
assess the frequency of confabulations in patients with schizophrenia compared
to healthy controls, as well as the neurocognitive variables associated with
confabulations. It appears that in general patients with schizophrenia are more
likely to confabulate for new, related words than are healthy controls, which
is congruent with our first hypothesis. It should be noted, however, that not
all studies supported this conclusion. The findings regarding new, unrelated words
were mixed and typically produced less meaningful effects sizes.
It appears that patients with schizophrenia may confabulate more than
healthy individuals when new information is related to previous memories. Thus,
when an old memory is triggered, patients may be more likely to integrate new
information into that memory that did not actually happen.
In contrast, if the new information is not related to an old memory,
patients do not seem to differ from healthy individuals in their likelihood to
confabulate. This finding has important implications for interviewing
techniques in forensic psychiatric assessment. Specifically, leading questions
may be particularly problematic when questioning the index offence, as it may
introduce new, but obviously related information that was not part of the
original memory. Additionally, care should be taken not to introduce unverified
information from the file into the interview, as this may result in a
confabulation rather than a more accurate account of the event.
It was further hypothesized that executive functioning, semantic memory,
and working memory would predict confabulations. Due to the limited number of
cognitive domains measured and quantitative data reported, this hypothesis was
not testable. Qualitatively, however, long-term memory appeared to have a large
association with confabulation. Individuals who have difficulty remembering
information over a long delay, may also have difficulty remembering events that
occurred in the distance past. Thus, patients with schizophrenia who have
deficits in long-term memory may be more prone to confabulate about previous
events, particularly when presented with information that is somewhat related
to their memories. Findings pertaining to executive functions were mixed and as
such, it is unclear what role this may play in confabulations.
Given the inconsistent findings pertaining to neurocognition, it is
possible that symptomatology is more predictive of confabulations than are
deficits in neurocognition. While findings related to positive and negative
symptoms are inconsistent, thought disorder appears to play a prominent role in
confabulations [12,14,23,24]. Moritz et al. [23] hypothesized that this may be
related to greater semantic activation in patients with thought disorder,
resulting in additional, less related associations, compared to those without
thought disorder. This leads patients to believe that new, semantically-related
words have been shown before because those schemas were previously activated in
memory. This theory is consistent with findings from several other studies
[11,34,35]. Accordingly, it is possible that there are neurocognitive
correlates underlying the relationship between thought disorder and
confabulation specifically, but additional research is required.
There are several limitations that we are mindful of as it pertains to
our findings. It should be highlighted that only studies examining both
confabulation and neurocognition were included. Due to the limited number of
studies that have explicitly examined the relationship between confabulation
and neurocognition, any conclusions that are drawn from this study should be
interpreted with caution. Yet, our quantitative synthesis of this literature is
inherently more robust than a single primary study. In light of our collective
findings, this review should serve as a starting point for further research in
this area. Secondly, it should be noted that the DRM paradigm often asks
patients to discriminate the source of the information (i.e., the experiment vs
the self; thought about an action vs. performing an action). This means that an
inherent limitation to this methodology is that instead of assessing
confabulations, these studies may in fact be tapping into source monitoring
deficits. Nevertheless, patients were more likely than controls to attribute
new, related words to both the experimenter and themselves, which suggests that
these differences may not simply be a source monitoring deficit. Greater
research is needed to improve the methodology used to measure confabulations,
however.
Conclusion
In
conclusion, this study suggests that patients with schizophrenia may be more
likely to confabulate than are healthy individuals when new information is
presented that is related to an old memory. These findings are particularly
important for interview techniques in forensic psychiatric assessment. The
assessor should take great care not to ask leading questions or introduce
unverified, contextual information into the interview, as it may increase the
likelihood of confabulation. With respect to specific predictors, deficits in
long-term memory appear to be related with an increased likelihood of
confabulating, though thought disorder may be a more reliable predictor. Future
research should examine the neurocognitive correlates that underlie this
relationship.
Conflict of Interest: none
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Corresponding
author
Kyrsten Grimes, Department of
Psychology, University of Toronto Scarborough, 1265 Military Trail, Toronto, ON M1C 1A4, Canada, - email: kyrsten.grimes@mail.utoronto.ca